Essay on aliens do they exist

Pascal s Alien Wager cato Unbound

They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. 28 This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended.

It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no movie fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. 26 One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, i think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, high would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. 27 Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this.

essay on aliens do they exist

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24 Plainly the pdf central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. 25 I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the supreme court, nor do i deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the supreme court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges.

essay on aliens do they exist

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May congress prohibit slavery in the territories? Must Congress protect slavery in the territories? 22 From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they strange make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. 23 Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The constitution does not expressly say.

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essay on aliens do they exist

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While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such. 18 The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense your of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope. 19 That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, i need address no word. To those, however, who really love the Union may i not speak?

20 Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? 21 All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the constitution has been denied? Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the constitution has ever been denied.

The Union is much older than the constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was "to form a more perfect Union.".

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. 15, it follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority. 16 I therefore consider that in view of the constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, i shall take care, as the constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. 17 In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.

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Yet, with all needed this scope of reviews precedent, i now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. 11, i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. 12, again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbreak it, so to speakbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? 13, descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.

essay on aliens do they exist

And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? 8, again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the kanye safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"? 9, i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced,. 10, it is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.

any wise endangered by the. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeas cheerfully to one section as to another. 5, there is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions:No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged. 6, it is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole constitutionto this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.

Fellow-Citizens of the United States:. N compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, i for appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the constitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters. 2, apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern States that by the accession of a republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but" from one of those speeches when I declare thatI have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe i have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to. 3, those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and.

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Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the United States. First Inaugural Address, monday, march 4, 1861, the national upheaval of secession was a grim reality at Abraham Lincoln's inauguration. Jefferson davis had been inaugurated as the President of the confederacy two weeks earlier. The former Illinois Congressman had arrived in Washington help by a secret route to avoid danger, and his movements were guarded by general Winfield Scott's soldiers. Ignoring advice to the contrary, the President-elect rode with President Buchanan in an open carriage to the capitol, where he took the oath of office on the east Portico. Chief Justice roger Taney administered the executive oath for the seventh time. The capitol itself was sheathed in scaffolding because the copper and wood "Bulfinch" dome was being replaced with a cast iron dome designed by Thomas.

essay on aliens do they exist
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What happens after death? Does divine or supernatural agency exist?

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  1. Free shipping on qualifying offers. Why is there something rather than nothing? Might the world be an illusion or dream? What exists beyond the human senses?

  2. Good documentary well put together but. Aliens in the Promised Land: Why minority leadership Is overlooked in White Christian Churches and Institutions Anthony. Bradley, editor.

  3. The search for extraterrestrial intelligence (seti) is a collective term for scientific searches for intelligent extraterrestrial life, for example, monitoring electromagnetic radiation for signs of transmissions from civilizations on other planets. Intelligent races who are not earth e term as such is never used for non-intelligent species, however unearthly, though in techjargon these may be called Alien Life forms. All chris white is doing is the same thing the ancient aliens crew is doing using what they see as proof or facts and using them to prove whatever the point is they are trying to make. Anyone can do this by taking information on a subject and tweaking it in a way to make you look correct in your findings.

  4. Everything that upsets, hurts, or displeases people they often attribute to the jews. January 2004 have you ever seen an old photo of yourself and been embarrassed at the way you looked? Did we actually dress like that? And we had no idea how silly we looked.

  5. Are there such things as aliens, extraterrestrials, or ufos? Does the bible say whether or not there is life on other planets (extraterrestrial)? Perhaps the most striking facet about Jew-hatred is its irrationality. The are as many reasons for hating Jews as there are people.

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